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But he also broke into new territory, analyzing the family problem with what strikes the contemporary ear as shocking candor.

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By that summer, the Moynihan report that was its inspiration was under attack from all sides. In part, the hostility was an accident of timing.

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Just days after the report was leaked to Newsweek in early August, L. The televised images of the South Central Los Angeles rioters burning down their own neighborhood collided in the public mind with the contents of the report.

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Less forgivable was the refusal to grapple seriously—either at the time or in the months, years, even decades to come—with the basic cultural insight contained in the report: that ghetto families were at risk of raising generations of children unable to seize the opportunity that the civil rights movement had opened up for them.

He heard code for the archaic charge of black licentiousness.

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For white liberals and the black establishment, poverty became a zero-sum game: either you believed, as they did, that there was a defect in the system, or you believed that there was a defect in the individual. It was as if critiquing the family meant that you supported inferior schools, even that you were a racist.

By autumn, when a White House conference on civil rights took place, the Moynihan report, initially planned as its centerpiece, had been disappeared. W ell, not exactly.

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Over the next 15 years, the black family question actually became a growth industry inside academe, the foundations, and the government. Think instead about the 75 percent of black middle-class families—though Moynihan had made a special point of exempting them from his report.

Other black pride—inspired scholars looked at female-headed families and declared them authentically African and therefore a good thing. In a related vein, Carol Stack published All Our Kin , a HEW-funded study of families in a midwestern ghetto with many multigenerational female households. In fact, some scholars continued, maybe the nuclear family was really just a toxic white hang-up, anyway.

No one asked what nuclear families did, or how they prepared children for a modern economy. The important point was simply that they were not black. The lucky black single mother could also enjoy more equal relationships with men than her miserably married white sisters. If black pride made it hard to grapple with the increasingly separate and unequal family, feminism made it impossible. Fretting about single-parent families was now not only racist but also sexist, an effort to deny women their independence, their sexuality, or both.

As for the poverty of single mothers, that was simply more proof of patriarchal oppression. W ith the benefit of embarrassed hindsight, academics today sometimes try to wave away these notions as the justifiably angry, but ultimately harmless, speculations of political and academic activists.

This is pure revisionism. The radical delegitimation of the family was so pervasive that even people at the center of power joined in. It made no difference that so many of these cheerleaders for single mothers had themselves spent their lives in traditional families and probably would rather have cut off an arm than seen their own unmarried daughters pushing strollers. City of East Cleveland decision.

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Brennan did not simply agree that the court should rule in favor of the grandmother—a perfectly reasonable position. In its bumbling way and with far-reaching political consequences, the executive branch also offered warm greetings to the single-parent family. Alert to growing apprehension about the state of the American family during his presidential campaign, Jimmy Carter had promised a conference on the subject. Clearly less concerned with conditions in the ghetto than with satisfying feminist advocates, the administration named a black single divorced mother to lead the event, occasioning an outcry from conservatives.

By , when it finally convened after numerous postponements, the White House Conference on the Family had morphed into the White House Conference on Families, to signal that all family forms were equal. Instead of the political victory for moderate Democrats that Carter had expected, the conference galvanized religious conservatives. Later, conservative heavyweight Paul Weyrich observed that the Carter conference marked the moment when religious activists moved in force into Republican politics. Doubtless they were also more energized by their own issues of feminism and gay rights than by what was happening in the ghetto.

M eanwhile, the partisans of single motherhood got a perfect chance to test their theories, since the urban ghettos were fast turning into nuclear-family-free zones. In the ghetto, that number was considerably higher, as high as 66 percent in New York City. Many experts comforted themselves by pointing out that white mothers were also beginning to forgo marriage, but the truth was that only 9 percent of white births occurred out of wedlock.

And how was the black single-parent family doing? It would be fair to say that it had not been exhibiting the strengths of kinship networks. According to numbers crunched by Moynihan and economist Paul Offner, of the black children born between and , 72 percent received Aid to Families with Dependent Children before the age of School dropout rates, delinquency, and crime, among the other dysfunctions that Moynihan had warned about, were rising in the cities.

In short, the 15 years since the report was written had witnessed both the birth of millions of fatherless babies and the entrenchment of an underclass. Liberal advocates had two main ways of dodging the subject of family collapse while still addressing its increasingly alarming fallout. Advocates like Edelman might not have viewed the collapsing ghetto family as a welcome occurrence, but they treated it as a kind of natural event, like drought, beyond human control and judgment.

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The Carnegie Corporation followed suit. T he second way not to talk about what was happening to the ghetto family was to talk instead about teen pregnancy. We take abuse seriously, so please only flag groups that clearly need our attention. Showing 5 of 12 topics — comments total. Spoilers are OK in the body of your post, but keep them out of your topic header. Showing 5 of topics — , comments total. Road trip with ex to best friends wedding. Children's book where charcaters enter a board game. Showing 5 of topics — 31, comments total. Showing 5 of topics — 2, comments total.

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More discussions Friends in This Group. Emotional information is essential - information that may potentially be at the root of the relationship breakdown, regarding whether a spouse committed adultery, or lied about their sexual orientation. Emotional information is not really legally relevant since the introduction of no-fault divorce, nonetheless it is pertinent to a client making decisions in an interest-based process. Family law is changing towards non-adversarial dispute resolution processes. As a consequence, some family lawyers are representing clients who are attempting to reach settlements that recognize their interests, instead of just pursuing their legal rights.

By reacting to the full spectrum of client needs, lawyers are expected to act in a different way than they do whenever they are representing a client in a traditional civil litigation matter. They give consideration to the emotional and financial consequences of relationship breakdown — issues that are not usually within the purview of the family law lawyer. They objectively reality check with their clients, and they approach interest-based negotiations in a client-centric way.

These lawyers view their role as that of a non-adversarial advocate, and their clients as whole people with interests that are not just legal. Most civil litigation disputes are linear: there is an incident, a claim, and a resolution, then the parties go their separate ways. If there are maintenance responsibilities, they may be financially attached for an indefinite duration.

Family law comprises of reviews and variations, meaning the parties may review issues when there is a change in circumstances. In other words, family law issues are not always linear and do not always allow for a clean break. Clients will need to communicate over time. The vast majority of family law legislation and jurisprudence is centered on the care of children, and the economic consequences of the dissolution of the family unit, legal rights that are designed for an adversarial system.

The way families deal with disputes has significantly changed over the last decade. Scholars have focused on a number of substantive law changes that have contributed to this transformation. These include the changing definitions of marriage, parenthood, and families. However, less focus has been paid to the huge changes that have taken place in the processes surrounding family dispute resolution. Social science research over the last two decades has made a powerful case that children's well-being following parental breakup is dependent upon their parents' conduct throughout and after the separation process.

A great deal of the research indicates that the greater the levels of parental conflict to which children are exposed, the more negative the effects of family dissolution.